Today's Sermon

A Sermon Preached On the Day of the Continental Fast, Philadelphia, 1775
David Jones

...The reason why a defensive war seems so awful to good people is, they esteem it to
be some kind of murder: but this is a very great mistake; for it is no more murder
than a legal process against a criminal....

Suppose, a villain was to rob you of a valuable sum of money, and thereby expose you
and your family to distress and poverty, would you not think it your duty to prosecute
such a public offender? yes, without doubt, or else you could not be a friend to the
innocent part of mankind.

But suppose, he not only robs you, but in a daring manner, in your presence, murders
your only son, will you not think that blood calls aloud for punishment? Surely both
reason and revelation will justify you in seeking for justice in that mode by which it
can be obtained.

The present case is only too similar:-- by an arbitrary act all the families that
depended on the Newfoundland fishery are abandoned to distress and poverty, and the
blood of numbers spilt already without a cause. Surely it is consistent with the
purest religion to seek for justice.

Consider the case in this point of view, and he that is not clear in conscience to
gird his sword, if he would act consistently, must never sit on a jury to condemn a
criminal.

This brings me...to present a few particulars to your consideration, which will
demonstrate the alarming call, which we now have, to take up arms, and fight in our
own defence.--

We have no choice left to us, but to submit to absolute slavery and despotism, or as
free-men to stand in our own defence, and endeavor a noble resistance. Matters are at
last brought to this deplorable extremity;-- every reasonable method of reconciliation
has been tried in vain;-- our addresses to our king have been treated with neglect or
contempt.

It is true that a plan of accommodation has been proposed by the administration; but
they are men of more sense than to think it could be accepted. It could be proposed
for no other purpose than to deceive England into an opinion, that we did not desire
reconciliation. What was the substance of this pretended plan? In short, this, that we
should give them as much money as they were pleased to ask, and we might raise it in
our own mode. Slaves therefore we must be, only we shall be indulged to put on our
fetters, to suit ourselves.

This plan is no better than that clause, which says, "That the parliament have a right
to make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." For if they may fix the sum, and we
must raise it, the case is the same, we have nothing left, but what they have no use
for: all is at their disposal, and we shall have no voice in the application of our
own money. They may apply it to raise forces in Canada, to cut our throats. The call
therefore is alarming -we cannot submit to be slaves - we were born free, and we can
die free....

Even our religion is not excepted - they assume a right to bind us in all cases.
Agreeable to this proposition, they may oblige us to support popish priest, on pain of
death: they have already given us a specimen of the good effects of their assumed
power, in establishing popery in near one half of North-America. Is not this the
loudest call to arms?

All is at stake - we can appeal to GOD, that we believe our cause is just and good....
[Our] brethren in the Massachusetts are already declared rebels; they are treated as
such, and we abettors are involved in the same circumstances; nothing can be more
unjust than such a proclamation. Rebels are men disaffected with their sovereign in
favour of some other person. This is not the case of America....

We very well know what follows this proclamation, all our estates are confiscated, and
were we even to submit, we should be hanged as dogs. Now therefore let us join, and
fight for our brethren.

Remember our Congress is in eminent danger. It is composed of men of equal characters
and fortunes of most, if not superior to any in North-America. These worthy gentlemen
have ventured all in the cause of liberty for our sakes; if we were to forsake them,
they must be abandoned to the rage of a relentless ministry. Some of them are already
proscribed, and no doubt his would be the fate of the rest:

How could we bear to see these worthy patriots hanged as criminals of the deepest dye?
their families plundered of all they possess, and abandoned to distress and poverty?
This, my countrymen, must be the case, if you will not now as men fight for your
brethren: Therefore if we do not stand by them, even unto death, we should be guilty
of the basest ingratitude, and entail on ourselves everlasting infamy.

But if the case of our brethren is not so near as suitably to effect us, let us
consider the condition of our sons and daughters. Your sons are engaged in the present
dispute, and therefor subject to all the consequences:

Oh! remember if you submit to arbitrary measures, you will entail on your sons
despotic power. Your sons and daughters must be strangers to the comforts of liberty;
they will be considered like beasts of burden, only made for their masters use. If the
groans and cries of posterity in oppression can be any argument, come now, my noble
countrymen, fight for your sons and daughters.

But if this will not alarm you, consider what will be the case of your wives, if a
noble resistance is not made: all your estates confiscated, and distributed to the
favourites of arbitrary power, your wives must be left to distress and poverty. This
might be the better endured, only the most worthy and flower of all the land shall be
hanged, and widowhood and poverty both come in one day.

The call to arms is therefore alarming, especially when we consider the tender mercies
of the wicked are cruel, we can expect no favour from the administration. They seem to
be callous, so as to have no feeling of human distress. What can be a greater
demonstration than to excite the barbarous savages against us? These, instead of
coming against our armed men, will beset our defenceless frontiers, and barbarously
murder with savage cruelty poor helpless women and children. Oh, did ever mortal hear
of such inhuman barbarity!

Come then, my countrymen, we have no other remedy, but, under GOD, to fight for our
brethren, our sons, and daughters, our wives and our houses.

It is probable that most will acknowledge, that the call to arms is alarming, but we
are comparatively weak to Great Britain; an answer to this will bring us...to advance
a few arguments to excite fortitude in martial engagement.... If God be with us, who
can be against us? We have great reason to bewail the sins of the land, yet the LORD
had a people in it reserved for himself, and if this had been the case with Sodom it
would have been saved.

Our present dispute is just, our cause is good. We have been loyal subjects as any on
earth; at all times, when occasion called, we have contributed towards the expence of
war, with liberal hands, beyond our power, even in their estimation. When we have been
called to venture our lives in defence of our king and country, have we refused? No,
verily; we have been willing to spill our precious blood.

We have been charged with designs of independency: This possibly may be the event, but
surely against our wills; the decent addresses to his Majesty, as well as all other
prudential measures, are arguments in our favour. But all our measures are
disregarded....

To the Most High we can appeal, and submit the event to his pleasure. It is more than
probable that we may meet some defeats, and have much blood shed; but even if this
should be the case; let us not be discouraged; for so it was with Israel in their
first battles with Benjamin,but in the third battle the whole tribe of Benjamin is cut
off, save six hundred men.

There is only one consideration that is very discouraging, and that is the great and
many sins that prevail in our land. "Unfeignedly to confess and deplore our many
sins," is recommended by our Congress as one duty of this day. And, alas! we have many
great sins abounding in our land, for which we may justly bewail our case before
GOD....

And if we are successful in our present struggle for liberty, we cannot expect to
enjoy any lasting happiness without a reformation, and a life worthy of the glorious
gospel. Was the fear of God suitably in our hearts, we should be invincible....But,
alas! there seems but little concern about forsaking sin and a saving acquaintance
with GOD, though our present state is so alarming....

...We have considered the alarming call, which we have to take up arms; let us unite
as men possessed of a true sense of liberty....If ever there was one time that called
for more religion than another, this is the very time....